Mafia's rule throughout country

Was it the old days when mafias were operating in this world? No, they are still in the shapes of political parties under patronage of a person, family or a clan, especially in third world countries.

Pakistan and India are victims of this, democratic mandate, and people power are hijacked by these families or personalities and at the cost of poor nation they have build up their dynasties and heaps of wealth.

We are going in to a series of articles to explore and unearth the secrets of these dynasties, their insight and expose their ugly faces and activities.

There are many from the likes of Zerdaries to choudries, from shariefs to 'Guddy nasheens", from Altaf to Molana "diesel" etc

But to begin with "Angels" must be a good idea as they were the driving force behind all sorts of trouble and destruction that nation is facing now.

The "FUJI MAFIA' is our first in a series that will followed by bhuttos, zerdaries, makhdooms, shariefs, alatf, wallies and many others

Read More on KK report on NAB investigation.

 

The " FUJI MAFIA'  

In the last six decades Pakistan Army has transformed into an organized crime syndicate and a business mafia that occupies the country it proclaims to defend. This organization is the biggest stake holder and stock holder in every big business of Pakistan by virtue of the power it has.

Pakistan military has the biggest share in Pakistan 's stock exchange. It operates commercial bank, airline, steel, cement, telecom, petroleum and energy, education, sports, health care and even chains of grocery shops and bakeries.

In short, the military's monopoly is present in every sector of Pakistan economy. To the contrary, its performance at the professional level is zero. Instead of defending Pakistan , it has undermined the very foundations of this country. Particularly, under General Musharraf, it has bankrupted Pakistan of its ideological grounds for existence. Instead of defending its physical borders, the army that is being ranked as the seventh biggest army in the world has only brought embarrassment to the nation in the battle fields of Kargil and Dhaka . On top of that, since 2001, it has started acting like occupation force in many parts of the country. Bombing homes, mosques and schools has become a routine.

Although the military permanently remained very active behind the political scene, the criminal Generals of Pakistan betrayed the nation four times by breaking their oath and constitution and overthrowing civilian governments.
They over threw elected government and captured the power to fulfill their evil desires and to protect the interests of their imperialist masters. The Pakistani Army has played an evil role in mainstream politics throughout the history with the objective to manipulate everything to their advantage.
Even though Pakistan is a republic, the military Generals have ruled the country more than public representatives. It is because of these Generals that a people's government could not take root in Pakistan .

The Generals of Pakistan consider themselves above every law and they take pride in disobeying orders from civilian government. It has been their practice since 1947. General Douglas Gracey, the first commander-in-chief of Pakistan Army started this tradition by disobeying orders from founder and Governor General of Pakistan , Mr. Jinnah during the first Kashmir War. Instead, Gracey sought instructions by telephone from his superior, Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck, in New Delhi .

 Since then it has been a rule in Pakistan Army to break their oath and to take orders from outside. From Gracey to Musharraf, every last one of them used power to sabotage political process that could lead to self-rule and stability of the country. They have been serving their outsider masters instead of defending the physical and ideological borders of Pakistan .

Pakistan came into being in August 1947 but partition plan of India had been announced in June 1947. British divided national resources between two newly formed states. British army had been divided and according to this division six armored, eight artillery and eight infantry regiments formed Pakistan 's army. Division of armed forces was according to demographic division of states and 4000 officers and 15,000 soldiers, 2332 Air Force personnel and 74 air crafts were given to Pakistan that was approximately 36% of total resources. General Douglas Gracey was acting Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan Army and Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck, was still Commander-in-Chief of the armies of both India and Pakistan .

Soon after the independence, US started investing in Pakistan Army to prepare an agent in South Asia to thwart Soviet ambitions and use Pakistan like a South Asian Israel. US backed every criminal act of Army Generals to crush people's rule in the country. Since the inception, this army has been serving as a tool in Washington 's strategic planning for the region. The US granted $400 million to establish and strengthen Pakistan 's armed forces initially. The US needed a terrorist arm in the region to play its strategic game against the Soviet Union . For this purpose, Washington backed successive dictatorships in Pakistan , and also throw them out of power when they outlived their utility

Military Keynesianism
This lack of transparency is extended to the maze of loss-making business enterprises run by the Army. The oldest of these is the

Fauji Foundation, established as a charity for retired military personnel in 1889. It has since become a giant conglomerate in its own right with controlling shares in sugar mills, energy, fertilizer, cereals, cement and other industries—combined assets worth 9.8bn rupees.

The Army Welfare Trust, set up in 1977 under General Zia's dictatorship, controls real estate, rice mills, stud farms, pharmaceutical industries, travel agencies, fish farms, six different housing schemes, insurance companies, an aviation outfit and the highly accommodating Askari Commercial Bank, many of whose senior functionaries had earlier served at the discredited Bank of Credit and Commerce International; the AWT's assets have been valued at 17bn rupees.

 The Air Force and Navy chiefs also have their own troughs: the Shaheen and Bahria Foundations.

Many of these enterprises have been engaged in corruption, although scandals usually erupt only when civilian businessmen have become too greedy in exploiting the opportunities they offer, or where the fall of a government has exposed its shady deals. Benazir Bhutto's spouse Asif Zardari was implicated, via an intermediary, in short-changing the Air Force's Shaheen Foundation in a dubious media venture. In another case, it emerged that a private businessman had bribed senior naval personnel in the process of defrauding the Bahria Foundation over a land-development deal. A lawyer petitioned the Supreme Court to outlaw all use of Army, Navy and Air Force insignia in private enterprise. He demonstrated how the foundations were contravening the Companies Ordinance of 1984, accused them and their partners of collusion and corruption, and pleaded with the Court to outlaw all commercial activities by the armed services. Unable to contest his arguments, the judges dismissed the case on a technicality—thereby revealing their own subordination to the colour khaki.

Contrary to the widely propagated myth that the Army can at least run things efficiently a detailed investigation by Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha has recently revealed that most of these businesses are run at a loss, with the generals siphoning off funds from the bloated defence budget to make up the difference. The military are also entirely innocent of modern accounting systems: their books tend to ignore such factors as personnel and utilities costs, and in any case government auditors are warned not to examine them too closely. Meanwhile, their stranglehold over many areas of the economy stifles normal development. In the construction and transport sectors especially, the ability of Army-run companies such as the National Logistics Cell and the Frontier Works Organization to monopolize government contracts, whether under civilian or military regimes, forces smaller companies out of business

Since the country's foundation in 1947, the Pakistan Army has been the spinal chord of the state apparatus. The weakness of political institutions as the state emerged from British rule, the absence of a bourgeoisie and domination by a rural elite—a parasitical excrescence of the worst sort—led to an over-reliance on the civilian bureaucracy and the Army. Since there was no real consent for landlord rule, force—both direct and indirect—had to be brought into play. Both institutions had been created by the colonial power, which formed them in its mold. [17] Whereas the civil service was soon mired in corruption, the Army held out for a little longer. The impression was created that, while individual officers might be susceptible to bribes—they were, after all, human—the institution itself was clean.

Two long periods of martial law destroyed that image. General Ayub Khan's family became extremely wealthy during his rule from 1958 to 1969, as did some of his collaborators. And between 1977 and 1989, at least two of General Zia's Corps Commanders were centrally involved in the heroin trade and gun-running. Corruption on a lesser scale spread through the junior ranks. The failure to crack down on these practices was hardly accidental. The generals adopted a materialist approach to the problem, seeing it as an easy way to preserve the unity of the Army. The loot could not be shared equally since that might promote egalitarian tendencies among the colonels and majors; but at the same time, the subalterns could not be denied some protection money for their crucial role in 'protecting' Pakistan .